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A Royal
'HAAGSE KLOK'
by: Keith Piggott. |
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PERSPECTIVES
& HYPOTHESES.
Back to Main Document |
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Table of contents:
●
Coster’s Other Contracts?
● Makers of Coster Striking Clocks?
●
Fromanteel Connections?
●
‘Secreet’ Constructions?
Unknown Originator
German Antecedents
Application to Pendulum
Foreknowledge of Burgi
The Secret Outed?
Derivatives
Whose Secret?
●
Personal Associations?
●
A Seconds’ Hiatus?
Treffler's copy
Later seconds'Clocks
Oosterwijck's Options
●
Valuation?
●
Claims
to Priority.
In
this intentionally didactic paper, with many unpublished new images, I
allow several perspectives, pertinent digressions, even some conclusions
to emerge. However, readers can now form a judgement on the importance
of Severijn Oosterwijck’s rediscovered Royal clock in its historic
context.
As first antiquarian reviewer, of this privately owned
clock not available to general view, any opinion herein has to be
responsible and balanced to best serve those who are unable to inspect
the evidence for themselves.
Nevertheless I consider my exploration of historical
contexts, also the circumstantial evidence, also my consideration of new
hypotheses, to be fully justified by the new evidence found in
Oosterwijck's Royal Hague clock. However, none of the following 'perspectives' is intended to be dogmatic, but to shine light into
obscure historical corners where even primary sources,
Contracts, Patents and Court
Papers, have long been misread, misrepresented, and misunderstood.
If space had permitted, I should have submitted Simon
Douw's remarkable also revealing Patent Applications - accounting for
Huygens' displeasure and paranoia, also his libels that still falsely
colour modern opinion, (see
Huygens' Legacy, p.87). I should also have wished to review the 1658
litigation, (Huygens, Coster v. Douw), which, by omission, reveals
something of covert migrations of this most arcane of crafts; and by
omission infers Oosterwijck's closer involvement with Coster and
Huygens. Unfortunately, Hague Archivists still are unable to rediscover
the 1658 Court papers ('proces-verbaal
met daading'), which Willem Hana and myself repeatedly sought,
seeing Drummond Robertson had reported their remarkable contents, back
in 1931, (Op.Cit., pp.124-126). Mislaid primary sources do not help!
[War intervened, was this archive rifled?]
Oosterwijck’s
Royal 'Haagseklok' with hour strike is a superior example of an early
Hague clock, having an unique continuous provenance by gift from a new
King. But I had not expected to be led into uncharted and troubled
historical waters, yet even if I do not always take a rhumb-line in my
perspectives, I hope to have steered a sound course. Hereon I consider
eight important areas of present uncertainty in our tenuous pendulum
history.
●
1.
Coster’s Other Contracts?
Seeing that Oosterwijck evidently had had access to
Coster’s workshop, known by telling similarities in construction,
dimensions, trains and wheel-counts; and seeing the famous notarized
Contract between Salomon Coster and John Fromanteel on September 3rd,
1657, I ask; would not Coster have demanded a similar Contract with
Oosterwijck; also with his own appointees Hanet, Pascal, and former
apprentice Pieter Visbagh? If not, then why not? And if yes, then where
are all those so called employment Contracts?
Further, was it intelligence, or invitation, that
brought those foreign
clockmakers so rapidly to Coster’s service from
London
and Paris?
Was Coster incapacitated? Could he not recruit Dutch clockmakers?
Or had Huygens himself a hand in steering his contacts to Coster?
Further,
the fact that neither Huygens nor Coster ever cited Oosterwijck as a
plagiarist, nor litigated against him, is the best evidence of a
fraternal craft relationship and the probable sharing of any "secreet"
new construction on offer in September 1657 and shared on Mayday 1658.
What do we actually know of the wider historical context
of this most secretive of crafts' international affiliations with
Coster's workshop? Huygens promotion of the workshop is well documented,
Dr.Plomp has enumerated the many exports to Paris by his efforts. But, as always, the
craftsmen themselves have no voice to us.
●
2.
Coster's Clockmakers?
Today’s foremost authorities, Reinier Plomp and Berry
Van Lieshout, agree that John Fromanteel made the five extant ‘Coster’
timepieces having square pillars; D1, D2, D3, D4, and D5 (which even has
square pillars to its dial feet and separate alarm). By this one
attribute, all those Coster clocks are said to be
post-Contract. Whereas
Huygens' original 1657 Patent drawing shows round pillars; evidence of
Coster's first pendulum oeuvre -
from June to September 1657?
Privately, on the evidence of pillar shape and other
parts, Berry
suggests that Pieter Visbagh or Claude Pascal actually made the two
extant 'Coster’ striking-clocks, D8 and D10 which again have round
pillars - but quite different profiles. Might that infer, after Mayday
1658, John had left the workshop - and two others were set to work to
produce clocks on Oosterwijck's Royal model, just twenty months before
Coster died in December 1659?
Did
Salomon Coster actually ‘make’ any of 'his'
extant pendulums, or had he relegated himself to overseer? And who
made his alarum-timepiece, D5, with its phase-one chapter ring (with
minutes scored through), but having an
English double-cock, also first back-plate ratchet work, and what I
named 'Reijnaert' stopwork?
Huygens
disclaimer in Horologium also
means earlier 'Coster' striking clocks cannot be ruled out, even without
the split-barrel, much as Fromanteel and Bartram made using
twin-barrels. Why, too,
should all pre-Contract spring clocks necessarily be timepieces, even
then regarded as the poor man's relation to strikers? No evidence has
ever been adduced.
Now
a new candidate has emerged as the maker of Coster original striking
clock, namely Severijn Oosterwijck. Here is a man, clearly gifted,
already having a King’s patronage, in whom Huygens would soon show every
confidence in 1662, by appointing him to make his Longitude-clocks,
adding his new weight remontoirs in 1664. [Thuret later improved on
Huygens' remontoir chains - for no thanks]
Consider
Oosterwijck’s Royal clock; its watch stop-work, being concealed by
ratchet-work, is both unique and most inventive; ditto his thread-holes
in pre-cycloid cheeks; ditto his pendulum retainer pinholes in
open-jawed crutch instead of usual loop? Are these single departures
from Coster designs? Or are they his own experiments? Was his hidden
stop-work and new split-going-barrel had by influence, or stealth? I
suggest only the first fits the evidence!
Hague
striking-clocks introduced new features, but similarities in movements
can provide compelling evidence.
As I have said, we may
assume that early trains and even wheel
counts were still evolving, (see
Appendix One, Three, and open-research matrix).
Coster’s escape wheels
in D1, D2, D3, and D5 are all
5/27; but D8 has 5/29; whereas Oosterwijck’s is
5/27. Coster’s contrate
wheels in D1, D2, D3, D5 are 5/64; D8 has
5/60; whilst Oosterwijck’s is
now also 5/60. Such close
similarities are not random, they suggest Oosterwijck's part in the
train evolution. All the first going wheels have 72 teeth. However,
centre pinions/wheels appear to evolve from 8/70 to 8/65, to 6/70 to
6/65. Strike wheels show
less conformity yet have similarities, originally all had 5 leaf
fly-pinions. Both of Coster's strikers 'D8' and 'D10' have new standard
12 pins to warning wheel and 12 leaf pinions to the count wheel, whereas
Oosterwijck's evidently unique adoption of 10's most probably infers
that his clock is lower in the evolutionary chain (earlier).
But wheel counts alone can mislead, yet other evidence
too is inextricably locked into all man-made constructions. Therefore,
open-research.
These
early pendulum clocks mark the first, Dutch, appearance of the spring
'going-barrel' also the 'split-going-barrel'.
All of the cited comparable strikers
postdate Mayday of 1658;
all have a new and
identical layout of trains; motion work; strike-levers;
strike-gates; drop-hammers, position of bells; two have this cast
lozenge-section fly, a third has its derivative. Details may differ, but
the form is common. Even Oosterwijck’s non-conforming upper
strap-potence might be his own ‘prototype’, he later revised to adopt
Coster’s Dutch form. [I do deplore use of
prototype, we cannot expect
ever to see workshop models].
Research
is wanted before my new hypothesis --"Oosterwijck’s
pendulum clock with striking set the pattern for Coster"--
can be proven. Yet, clinching evidence may well lie under our noses; in
the two accepted ‘Coster’ striking clocks (D8, D10), even the timepiece
alarum (D5). Do these share detailed finishes with Oosterwijck’s, or
with subsequent versions by Visbagh, Hanet and Pascal?
What
of Coster's timepiece alarum 'D5'? It is a curious beast, now
revealing the 'English' feature of a double-foot back cock;
yet other constructions back its Coster pedigree.
It too has square movement pillars, also square dial-feet and square pillars
to an original separate alarm fixed to the case. (Coster D8's integral
alarm work, now removed, is by a different hand). I infer
that originally, D5 had the first known 'Reijnaert' stopwork, having an
integral pinion of report cut through its barrel arbor, to gain a larger
stop for more turns.
So was arbor-pinion fatigue, with distortion or
breakage, the ultimate result? It seems now to have a replaced
barrel-arbor since its winding square is untypically tapered, and the
arbor lacks a pin or pinion for its original stop work, which although
missing has left behind the telling evidence of its screw mounting on
the barrel cap.
Coster's
stop-wheel was not refitted, so it is likely that the extant arbor was
made in France, where
stopwork is typically ignored and even removed.
(If there had been no evidence of a stop-wheel I should suspect, either,
the clock was made in France, or, it
had been made by Coster himself before the 'secret'
of stopwork and split-barrel dropped in his lap. Considering the extant
construction, I suggest that D5's former 'Reijnaert' stopwork could not
antedate Oosterwijck's stopwork. Therefore, 'D5,' too, must also be
later.
Furthermore,
Coster 'D5' ratchet-work is also removed from the front plate
(or barrel) onto the back plate, sharing with our Ahasuerus Fromanteel's
1658 timepiece the first honours recorded. Like Fromanteel, but unlike
Reijnaert, it has one click, with a circumferential brass spring. Both
are fixed by screws. Whereas, early springs and clicks are pegged, or
posted, in-situ. All these facts formed my singular hypothesis that
Oosterwijck's Royal Hague-clock, most probably, ante-dates Coster's
timepiece alarum, presently given
'D5' in Dr Plomp's new Dutch chronology.
Oosterwijck's
first signed timepiece alarum, (Appendix Three, 'Lieberge' clock), has
its alarum bell fixed inside, on the dial plate, like the subject clock.
The bell on Coster's only alarum D5, is set above its
case, which soon became the standard for Hague clocks. In this instance,
D5 may well betray a French hand in its making- perhaps Hanet, (see
Huygens Legacy nr.16 by
Hanet).
What
is generally accepted, now, is Coster, then, was more overseer than
maker. I have put Oosterwijck's name into the frame as first striking
clock model, and advanced his chronology before Coster's signed striking
clocks and timepiece alarum (D5, D8, D10).
●
3.
Fromanteel Connections?
If accepted wisdom
is correct, then all the early pendulum-technology flowed from
Coster to John Fromanteel. But here it is evident that the Fromanteels
brought much more into Coster’s work place, where Oosterwijck had
access; probably also to the negotiating table, being hammered out in
Notary Putter’s office even before the extant draft form of Contract was
ever signed. The received wisdom,
therefore, is suspect.
Evidence of Oosterwijck’s connection with John
Fromanteel, at least, and I do not discount an earlier connection with London, may also be seen
in his wheels, trains, escapement, layout of centre wheel, pillars, etc.
His verge goes direct to the plate; his unique strap-potence is set
beside the escape wheel - like Fromanteel’s, unlike Dutch potence-blocks
set above their inaccessible escapements.
If such a craft lineage is proven, it may confound those
adherents to Huygens’ singular priority, who deny Ahasuerus Fromanteel’s
contribution to applying the pendulum to clockwork earlier by older
craft methodology, rather than Huygens’ new astronomer’s way.
Admittedly, the great plethora of extant early Hague
clocks weighs heavily in favour of a Huygens-Coster priority. But is
that imbalance conclusive? Dutch clocks remained stuck at 1657 for
decades; later English makers in
Holland
even had first to adopt the local norms of split-barrels and cheeks. The
Dutch were long overtaken by English and even French advances; therefore
their obsolescent, not quite obsolete, clocks survived. Whereas,
Fromanteel moved quickly on, testing new drives, new pivots, inventing
maintaining power, also new escapements; quickly discarding the
obsolescent. Might not Ahasuerus have seen the split-going-barrel merely
as a Chimera, having no place
in good timekeeping- his singular goal? So might he have discarded it,
then astutely traded it off to advance his son?
●
4.
‘Secreet’ Constructions?
Berry van Lieshout was first to spot significant
errors in all earlier transcripts of the famous Contract; the secret’s
new line of investigation was his initiative. I then posed our
questions. Had Fromanteel brought something to the negotiating table
that had justified a Draconian financial penalty-clause which Coster had
freely accepted? But why would the holder of Europe’s then hottest
Patent accept a penalty at all? Would he not charge a premium.
Now I ask, why did Oosterwijck go to such length to
hide his stop-work when ‘Coster’ and his acolytes all set their ratchet
and stop, visibly, at opposite ends of their split barrels or plates? It
is most curious and perhaps very significant. Did he act for Coster, for
Huygens, for the Fromanteels, or for himself?
Unknown Originator. Where, when, or who ‘invented’ the
classic 'going-barrel', also its derivative the ‘split-going-barrel’, is
not known. But the basic 'split-barrel' is far older than Coster’s
striking clock, older even than any pendulum, and not Dutch at all.
Fig. 34 (click to enlarge)
Twin reliefs in a lower pillar of Fromanteel's
solar-musical clock
1649 (relic)
German Antecedents.
Like Klaus Maurice, who is
unequivocal, Berry Van Lieshout and I realised, the split-barrel itself
has a much longer history than Coster's first striking clock 'D8',
also Dr.Plomp's attribution to Coster, (see Maurice, K,
“Die deutsche Raderuhr”, Verlag C.H.Beck, Munchen 1976).
Maurice
shows the ‘Split-Barrel’ first
appeared in the late sixteenth century, with German based makers, to
drive both their Quarter and Hour strike-trains; (‘beide
Raederwerke werden von einem Federhaus angetrieben’).
The
first known example that Maurice has found is in
Jost Burgi’s 'Globes', c.1582. Burgi has previously entered into my study of
Fromanteel’s 1649 Masterpiece, when, like Hans von Bertele's recognition
of a Radeloff cross-beat, I too recognised the vestigial signs of a
Fromanteel spring-remontoir (only
known from Huygens-Moray letters), and also a Fromanteel radial
cross-beat (then unknown in any
early English clock). So I am surprised and delighted to see my old
familiar, now enters pendulum history he was so tantalizingly close to
in life.
Burgi’s
new split-striking-barrel
next appears in quarter-striking
clocks; by Georg Wildt, Frankfurt 1589; Hans Koch of Munchen 1591;
Isaac Habrecht of Strasburg 1594; and Andreas Stahel of Augsburg 1600;
then Johann Sayller (Zuyller) of Ulm 1630; (Maurice,K., Op.Cit. Band I,
pp.100,135,149; Band II, Afbn.114-116,118-119,129, 239, 254, 506).
Although
many
German Guilds and makers used the split-barrel in their
multiple striking trains,
no member of any City
Guild would, or could, omit the fusee -which
long continued to reign supreme in their highly ordered, regulated,
craft regime. Naturally, technology flows. visitors to Burgi saw amazing
things, some reports have been misinterpreted, perplexed horologists
G.A.Baillie and H.A.Lloyd, but nevertheless flowed to
England's premier clockmaker.
Fromanteel’s
solar-musical clock of 1649 has twin reliefs in a lower pillar; one
possible inference being that these were cut out for a subsidiary
split-barrel for "innumerable
motions". [see John Evelyn,
Diary, August 9th 1661, "I
din'd at Mr.Palmer's in Gray's Inn, whose curiosity excell'd in clocks
and pendules, especialy one that had innumerable motions,... It was
wound up but once in a quarter." Mr
Dudley Palmer's unattributed clock was only identified by William
Leybourne* in 1694; as being Fromanteel's 1649 Solar and Musical clock;
by which the extant relic also was identified, (*Leybourne, W.,
"Pleasure with Profit", Mechanical, XXXVII, London, 1694)].
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Application
to Galilei's Pendulum
The crucial, here
relevant, innovation of a spring-barrel directly driving the principal
going-train, too, rests with a later unknown originator. As for
stop-work, he was far removed both in time and distance from its
origins. But the sine qua non for its use, also as single-going-barrel,
had to be a reliable way of controlling the time standard,
independently of variable driving force. Did that originator regard
Galilei’s new pendulum, alone, as that panacea?
Or
did Huygens’ new cheeks
convince the unknown originator that the pendulum’s well known defects
had been finally bridged?
Which
assumption, Galilei or Huygens, determines when a spring-barrel was
incorporated directly in a
going-train. It is not unlikely that earlier attempts were made,
even Fromanteel applied his pivoted-pendulum directly to going barrels;
a worst case scenario, that he
soon recognised to then evolve new solutions.
Might
stop-work, visible or hidden, be part of the same intellectual property
as the split-going-barrel? Dr.Plomp attributes invention of the ‘tandem-barrel’
to Coster. Yet here we see the split-barrel in Oosterwijck’s
surely earlier clock; antedating Coster ‘D8’, at least! Dr Plomp
identified Coster's early clocks as the models that the French adopted
for ‘pendules religieuse‘. France also
adopted the going and split-barrels, but few incorporated stop work,
then rarely. If that were indeed Coster’s
secret, would he not have
licensed it? Why did France ignore stop-work?
Remarkably,
this seemingly mundane mechanism, already having stop-work, has for too
long been overlooked, despite it being an intellectual property first
observed in the earliest Dutch
going trains of
pendulum spring-clocks; and also found in contemporary English and
French movements. I suggest that Oosterwijck’s Royal clock represents
and embodies the ‘secreet’, being antiquarian horology's
Holy Grail for Hague clocks.
Here
I propose, that that secret is now revealed; a craft secret; originating
in Germany with Jost Burgi in 1582; secretly adapted for use with a
pendulum before 1657; and antedating ‘Horologium’ by a year at least;
a secret finally put on the negotiating table in 1657; between
Coster and a young son of Ahasuerus Fromanteel; probably with Ahasuerus
and Severijn having supporting roles, perhaps as
eminences grise?
Foreknowledge of Burgi. Rarely
do independent inventions
mirror each other; even to achieve the same end, technical solutions are
likely to be different. During the 1939-1945 war, Germany went with new, axial-flow,
turbo-jet engines, but
Britain
adopted Whittle's older centrifugal-flow jets. But that inventive
independence is absent whenever Burgi’s inventions reappear in new
guises. The sudden appearances in
Holland
of stop-work, also going and split-barrels are merely new clothes, not
inventions, simply Burgi's old devices being reworked and adapted to new
tasks in quickly made Hague clocks. No less vital for that.
Therefore,
I ask, who best discloses foreknowledge of the great innovator, Jost
Burgi? If that craft knowledge came to
Holland
by his work master Benjamin Bramer then we might reasonably expect our
Dutch principals would be the first to benefit. But, apart from Simon
Douw, it seems not.
In
their bitter and unfounded litigation against Douw in 1658, alleging
patent infringements but in fact to stop him selling clocks in the
Hague, neither Coster nor Huygens, nor even their experts, recognised
nor admitted to familiarity with Douw's single-beam (cross-beat?) with a
spring-remontoir, that owe much to Burgi. Douw’s Patent withstood the
Court’s challenges and tests, he was awarded a license to sell in
the Hague, also
to receive an equal share of
all Huygens and Coster pendulum profits! Huygens became embittered;
perhaps because Douw’s Patent Applications tellingly point to real
defects in his clock.
Huygens
had also overlooked the obvious potential maritime Longitude
applications of Douw’s Patent, of Burgi systems: Douw had very wisely
kept counsel about any intended maritime application - for his home port of Rotterdam.
[He died on September
9th, 1663, before putting his method to resolving longitude].
But Huygens should have saved himself years wasted on his intrinsically
flawed concepts of a pendulum
sea-clock also his weight-remontoir
that predictably failed, as Robert Hooke always understood. Huygens
drawings show a weight drive, also incomprehensible in a sea clock.
whereas Bruce's Oosterwijck sea clocks sensibly incorporated a fusee,
but still having pendulum control.
Even
in 1664, Huygens still defends his own weight-remontoir by deflecting
Sir Robert Moray's blunt challenge with an admission of Fromanteel's
priority for a spring-remontoir, but with not a mention of Jost Burgi
who had invented the forerunners of both.
So,
I suggest, if adaptations of Burgi’s split-going-barrel
with stop-work is the
Contractual ‘secreet’, then that secret is unlikely to be Huygens’ or
Coster’s. To whom must we look?
Whereas,
Ahasuerus Fromanteel’s 1649 Solar-Musical clock,
clearly, is indebted to Jost Burgi; in its spring-remontoir; in its
radial cross-beat; and possibly a subsidiary split-barrel. So I suggest
it is far more probable that Ahasuerus adapted the split-barrel and
stop-work to drive going-trains, and then inveigled son John into
Coster’s employ in 1657. Did John have orders to first disclose the
‘Stop’, to tempt Coster to capitulate to get the ‘Split-Barrel’? Or is
accepted wisdom right? Did Coster simply give these valuable
‘inventions’ away, and simultaneously pledge himself to a man of straw -
one not yet a free clockmaker?
In
my opinion, only the former would account for the Contract’s peculiar
employment terms, with its Draconian financial sanctions.
Why
should Coster put his all wealth at stake, for a mere boy’s bench
skills? Why have no other Coster employee Contracts with Notaris Putter
come to light? But the promise of Fromanteel's eldest son disclosing a
secret, that would benefit Coster and Huygens to export more reliable
also cheaper to make striking clocks, could explain all.
The Secret Outed?
My 2005 paper challenges many presumptions. As to the ‘secreet’, in the
Notarial Akte of 3rd
September 1657, authorities have subscribed, variously, to;
“remontoir; pendulum; escapement; theoretical calculation; endless rope;
OP-gear”. None are convincing. All placed the secret’s gift in
Coster’s hands, regardless of Huygens’ interest. But Berry van
Lieshout’s new Millenneum transcript in 2000 led us first to
re-investigate other devices, centred upon the stop-work and the
split-barrel. Berry inclined to
stop-work, I inclined to the split-barrel. However, without Berry's inspiration, and his long amassed
evidence, also our penetrating dialogues, this perspective could not now
be written.
It does seems that the secret
has just become less elusive; perhaps simple stop-work, perhaps a
complex split-going-barrel? Perhaps both? Here it was not my intention
to solve that old Contractual ‘secreet’, but it does seem in this review
of Oosterwijck’s clock the secret has quietly resolved itself.
Do I regard Ahasuerus
Fromanteel, my True Patriarch of
English Clockmaking, as the ‘originator’ who adapted Burgi’s
split-barrel to drive the principal going train and who then traded it
off as the ‘secreet’? I say, "Yes,
but not yet proven”.
I also regard the
split-going-barrel, with its adjunct stop-work, as being strongest
candidate yet to resolve the Contract’s mystery.
I
suggest that all horologists now re-examine the extant evidence, for
signs of stop-work in pre-1657
spring-barrels and collate all pre-1657 split-going-barrels.
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Coster partisans must now explain, or better, find and put their
evidence on the table for an open scholarly debate.
Derivatives.
Oosterwijck’s
concealed watch-stop work is quite unique. Being hidden, beneath an
outer barrel-cap, strike-wheel and ratchet might denote it as a
‘secreet’ construction, alluded to in the 1657 Contract. Fromanteel’s
and Bartram’s seem to be related, which is the derivative? The late 1657
Coster-Fromanteel ‘D1’,
zealously guarded by Museum Boerhaave, has far simpler and visible stop
work. Did Severijn share the guarded secret? Would Coster (or Visbagh)
partisans argue that this clock was sold to Oosterwijck, to then
re-badge for a King? Unthinkable!
“One Swallow does not a summer
make”, nevertheless, I have informed Berry van Lieshout also Dr
Plomp of my discovery. The absence of any extant English split-barrels
is puzzling, but may be explicable; as I now propose,
at (e) hereunder.
Whose Secret?
Impartial scholars know the available evidence is incapable of any
absolute proofs, but the plethora of Dutch split-barrels and the dearth
of English ones, in itself only circumstantial, is rather telling. Case
closed? "Not quite".
Coster was an able
clockmaker, so he could well, independently, have invented a split-going-barrel, as Plomp suggests. His renaissance apprenticeship may
have given him access to the German split-striking-barrel
of Burgi, and he could have adapted it to drive his going train, now
regulated by the great Galilei’s panacea pendulum corrected by Huygens'
new cheeks. I do give Coster credit for his evident skills in this most
secretive of crafts; but where does he demonstrate any knowledge of Jost
Burgi’s inventions? I reiterate;
a |
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From
‘Horologium’ (p.15) in
1658, we read, [Coster] was already using spring-going barrels,
also with strike work (split-barrels), a demonstration of his
confidence in Galileo’s panacea, or in Huygens' way; but Huygens
seems more equivocal. But prior to the Contract, might Coster
have first used a fusee for his pendulums? It was in his
tradition, and in Huygens first concept over Christmas 1656. Did
Treffler in fact copy fusee too? Might he have made pendulum
striking clocks having independent drives? In technical and
historic terms, there is no reason either might not be. |
b |
|
By
October 1658, Coster and Huygens were challenging Simon Douw’s
spring-remontoir to a single-beam (cross-beat), he surely had
derived from Burgi’s fertile
Oeuvre. Neither cited
Burgi’s priority for either device - and Douw wisely kept his
counsel, but he challenged Huygens to calculate his (remontoir)
train that defeated even Huygens' mathematician witness, Prof.
Frans Van Schooten. |
c |
|
Even
in late 1664, answering Moray's challenge on priority, Huygens
(Coster's patron and mentor) still omits even to acknowledge all
remontoirs as Jost Burgi's - the original great innovator. |
d |
|
Whereas
by 1649 Fromanteel evidently had access to Burgi craft secrets
for his Chef d'Oeuvre, probably via Benjamin Bramer*
(1588-1652) Burgi's Dutch brother-in-law (G.
Schwager), who in 1648 had first published Burgi’s old triangulation
instruments.
(Mackensen, L.,“Die erste
Sternwarte Euopas mit ihren Instrumenten und Uhren 400 Jahre
Jost Burgi in Kassel”, Verlag Georg Calwey, 1979, p.8, p.34
Fig.24, p.59 Fig.14).
[*
later Fromanteels and Willem Bramer signed identical
spring-balance travelling clocks- which I suggest reflects on
their fathers’ earlier contacts] |
e |
|
The
absolute preponderance of the earliest Hague clocks over similar London clocks would seem
to weigh heavily in favour of Huygens and/or Coster. But might
not that be read, possibly,
as Dutch technology being stuck at 1657/8 for many decades, with
antiquated obsolete clocks surviving; whereas Fromanteel forever
advances, testing and discarding; so might he have found or
anticipated that the going-barrel (also its derivative
split-barrel) was actually a Chimera, having no place in
precision timekeeping, just a bargaining chip;
a loss leader to new Dutch
markets? |
f |
|
If my
reading of Oosterwijck’s Royal Hague clock is correct, then his
split-barrel is before ‘Horologium’
(September 1658), and it even could be before Mayday
1658, thus, by inference, constructed even before the September
1657 Contract. That too again infers it is not Coster’s device;
unless one envisages the ‘invention’ being leased to Severijn in
his special clock for a King; also being given away to a foreign
lad. But I cannot see Salomon Coster going so far; he perhaps
hoping a King would come to him; and his young English lad being
already paid his dues, and full board. Dutch merchants never
overpaid, still not. |
g |
|
Undoubtedly,
for Salomon Coster’s busy workshop, exporting Huygens’ new
pendulum clocks, any device to stop derangements by
over-winding, and also to make reliable striking clocks more
cheaply using the split-going-barrel, was a must-have
acquisition. Coster's
Oeuvre reveals his inheritance of technology; significantly,
the split-going-barrel and stop-work do not appear in his
pre-pendulum Oeuvre.
We also have no evidence of the stop ever being used before
Fromanteel's Contract; all modern authorities agree or infer
that the split-barrel striking clock is not seen before the
Contract's maturity on Mayday 1658, when a ‘secret’ had to be
mutually disclosed between the parties; but even then a
prototype must evidently have existed as a model. So who made
that model? |
j |
|
Might
there have been a prior collusion between Severijn and one of
the Contractual Parties, to include the ‘secreet’ herein, being
prepared in advance, to be revealed only on Mayday 1658? The
argument applies
equally to both parties, but here I suggest my
craft-evidence weighs in favour of the Fromanteels. |
k |
|
Finally,
I return to the proven venality of business, in any era. What
had persuaded wealthy Coster, holding the only key to Huygens’
invention, then to pledge his "present
also future wealth" simply to
employ a foreign lad;
and furthermore, to promise him the
gift of an arcane craft device - whether his own or
Huygens’? Usual Terms Fritz? Get a reality check. |
Impartial
readers will realise that this case is not closed. All fair-minded
parties must, at least, engage in new studies of all the available
evidence. To the many Coster partisans, I do recommend the Open Research
project (see Appendix Three)
which should unearth all the tangible facts for a new evidential base -
then to objectively determine both their evolution and chronology.
●
5.
Personal Associations?
Huygens’
correspondence, “Oeuvres Completes de Christiaan Huygens” (edited by
Nijhoff and Vollgraff), reveals his personal associations with Severijn
Oosterwijck, Alexander Bruce (Earl of Kinkardine) and Sir Robert Moray.
The latter was an intimate of the exiled Charles Stuart, benefactor to
the present owners’ knighted ancestor.
The family genealogy indeed shows a continuity of
descent, so
I leave
it to them to trawl the family archives and Wills, in which I have seen
mentioned this Royal clock, to document its provenance from their Royal
patron, by His gift to a new English Knight for services rendered in
those uncertain and dangerous times. Much hangs on that historic
association.
It links us directly to that time.
Fig. 35
King Charles the Second of
England (1630–1685)
Nevertheless, there
is good reason to accept that the future King Charles the Second of
England had already had access to the patrician Dutch scientist
Christiaan Huygens - not least by their own fathers’ personal contacts,
thus to Oosterwijck. Then, the pendulum clock was the most sought after
personal acquisition of its day. Surely a King-in-Waiting could have
one, one made by Severijn Oosterwijck, recommended by Moray or Huygens,
and upon His accession in June 1660, the new King might well award this
valuable gift to His loyal supporter (name withheld).
●
6.
A Seconds’ Hiatus?
Before
1596 Tycho Brahe’s several astronomical clocks,
by Jost Burgi, showed
Seconds’. Yet Hague clocks, purportedly ‘invented’ by another
astronomer, sixty years later,
rarely showed Seconds’.
Clocks
without Seconds’ would hold no interest for astronomer Christiaan
Huygens; but Seconds’ then had no popular application. And Hague clocks were
expensive, too, from fl.80 to
fl.120, excluding
spring-strikers. I suggest Dutch burghers then would regard any extra
charge for Seconds' as being ‘a
florin too far’.
What relevance has that, or my
red-herring dial sector
(above), to Oosterwijck’s, or any, Hague clock? In my 2005 paper,
(Op.Cit.), I suggest Huygens, in
Horologium (1658), disingenuously revealed•
his complex 'OP'
Interim design, that beat half-seconds, and displayed Seconds
from the centre,
rather than reveal his simpler horizontal-verge, that he and Coster saw
as their real money spinner. When Huygens did finally publish his 1657
original design, it not only beat Seconds' but showed Seconds on a disc
in a dial sector. (Horologium Oscillatorium, Part I, Figs. I-IV).
* Was Huygens' paranoid,
like the great Florentine architect Filippo Brunelleschi (1377-1446)? He
too used misleading plans; to
keep secret his great dome's ingenious double-skinned spirally-braced
construction. Both deserved their glory, both feared plagiarism.
Seeing all the contemporary
evidence, why did typical Hague spring-clocks omit seconds, and where
are all Coster’s pre-Contract
pendulums with Seconds’, as Huygens published, and Treffler made?
[Dr.Plomp has always separated the domestic by-product he named "Hague clock", from any scientific purposes; see "Pendulums",
Op. Cit., p.11, Chapt.1, The
beginning]. It seems Pendulums made for scientific purposes have
been ignored.
Other than his
June 16th 1657
Patent model, Coster’s
earliest dateable Hague clock is probably the timepiece Senor Burratinij
sent to Grand Duke Ferdinand de Medici on September 25th 1657, (Plomp
R, “Pendulums”, Op.Cit. pp.15,16). Probably that clock was Coster’s own
work, but, being already three weeks after his Contract, John Fromanteel
could well have made it. Coster’s Medici clock is described in a 1690
inventory, it has a short pendulum, in an ebony case with a ”wavy cornice”, like Dutch art frames -an exception to Dr.Plomp’s
characteristic 'P2’. Using Plomp's ‘chronology’, I name it
‘DØ’.
Treffler’s ‘Copy’.
The whereabouts of Coster ‘DØ’ is not known. Fortunately, in 1657, the
Grand Duke ordered his clockmaker Johan Philipp Treffler of Augsburg to make a ‘copy’, and that movement survives; but its case was destroyed in Florence’s 1966 flood.
(Inventory 3557, Istituto e Museo di Storia della Scienza, Florence). I name Treffler’s movement,
‘DØ
copy’.
Treffler’s movement has a
short pendulum suspended in cheeks, like all Costers, but it shows ‘seconds’!
(Plomp R, “Pendulums”, Op.Cit. p.16, Figs.9,10, 11). Leaving aside
Treffler’s claim to priority for the pendulum, I reason he probably
followed Coster’s short-pendulum train, even if he did add the Augsburg fusee. It
would seems ‘DØ’ was a spring clock, Huygens’ timepiece
‘DØ1W’ was not.
Huygens' "Description of the Pendulum Clock" DØ1W; weight driven timepiece
having four baluster pillars, a 3-foot compound pendulum, slung on a
little suspension pulley, and having a Seconds' disc in a dial sector.
None are known; Thuret's regulators are its nearest representations.
Yet
Huygens’
1659
letter
to Paris,
omits any mention of Seconds’ clocks from his price-list, (see Plomp R,
“Pendulums”, Op. Cit. pp.32-33). He mentions duration, striking, weight
also spring driven, but not his own invention’s very
raison d’etre! Nevertheless,
Huygens did promote his Seconds’ regulators, on weights, to other
scientists. Licensed models were made by several makers, including
Ahasuerus Fromanteel for Dr.Ward in 1661/2. Clearly, Huygens’ price-list
only reflected the popular dictates, little wonder then that neither his
Seconds' indicating Patent clock (DØ1W) nor his OP-gear clock (DØ2W) are
thought to have survived.
Although first published in
1673, this represents Huygens' June 1657 Patent Application. Note,
pre-cycloid cheeks, box case with no windows, suspension pulley to
pendulum, all are found in Oosterwijck's Royal 'Haagseklok'. Both
Huygens' Dutch top potence and round pillars are pre-Contract designs -
let us say Dutch in their concept and probably in their execution.
The same parochial isolation
cannot be said of his clock published in Horologium is September 1658,
this was designed while John Fromanteel worked for Salomon Coster;
English ideas arrived.
Huygens now depicts a
strap-form in upper potence, like the Fromanteels and like Oosterwijck's
subject clock. He also now
reveals the construction of his
endless-rope maintaining power.
So it seems today we only know the popular form of Coster’s 1657
Patent; a
mass market spring-clock without Seconds’; whereas Treffler’s four-wheel train probably
mimics the astronomer’s own,
albeit in a spring clock. If true, then this relic 'DØ copy'
represents Huygens’ arrangement known only from his 1657 drawing, first
published in Horologium
Oscillatorium, and from Isaac Thuret’s extant regulators in the
Boerhaave and Vehmeyer collections.
Tragically, Florence's
disastrous floods in 1966, destroyed Treffler's ornate Augsburg
Tabernacle case, damaging his rare movement. Dr Plomp. showed the
Tabernacle case (Op.Cit. "Pendulums" Fig.10, p.16). A comparable Augsburg case, c.1625, was in the P.C.Spaans'
Collection (Christie's, Op.Cit., Lot
420).
<Refer_Tabernacle>
The large
gilt-brass dial was fixed onto the front door, retained by two straps.
It has a delicate seconds ring, yet its broad pewter chapter ring and
ornate case appear to be anachronisms but follow the contemporary German
also Italian practices. The back plate is fully signed,
'Gio: Filippa Trefler Augosto'.
New images show a decorative
bridge with one surviving Huygens' cheek; a back-wound fusee-arbor,
having the motion-wheel on the front plate above the ratchet to the
spring barrel; the spidery bars fix the movement onto the door frame to
secure the dial plate.
Seen here is a brass dust cover
to the plates, age unstated. In due course, I will return to Treffler's
clock,
Treffler’s ‘DØ copy’ now
assumes huge significance to establish the train and the escapement of
Coster’s ‘DØ’. Nicolas Hanet
took several of Salomon Coster's seconds’ clocks to
Paris
between 1658-1660, we do not know if these were spring or weight driven,
might these have mimicked Coster
‘DØ’, or Huygens
'DØ1W?
Here I cite basic details. Treffler’s copy mimics Coster’s
escapement and pendulum, but his plates are longer (190 by 90 mm), for the fusee – which
forces Coster’s pinioned-centre wheel to the
front. The ratchet is on the front plate, like Coster. The four
plain round pillars, (35mm
long), pinned at the back plate, being richly decorated and signed,
“Gio: Filippa Trefler Augosto”.
Questions of construction and
originality will only be answered by examination, I have invited Florence’s Museum of the
History of Science to review their newly significant relic - probably
the oldest original pendulum movement extant. I hope eventually to add
its wheel train to the 'open-research'
matrix with contemporary pendulum trains, (Appendix Three).
Later Seconds’ Clocks.
Huygens
professed his ablest clockmaker to be Johannes van Ceulen (1656-1715).
He provides the exceptions to this hiatus.
From 1675 he too made
observatory regulators with pendulums beating Two-Seconds' (matching
Tompion); he also made rare Hague long-cases, month going and striking,
showing Seconds’ with a monumental Dutch 'anchor' escapement, and having
other idiosyncratic features; elaborate cocks, winding squares on
sleeves pinned over round arbors, also strike set-off at the dial plate
(see view, at II side).
fig.
36
A seconds ring on a late 17th c. clock by Joh. van Ceulen.
*Original
meaning, "the [anchor]
Escapement having Dominion
over the Weight, (John Smith, 1675).
[It has been suggested that its untypical circular dial plate was
originally square, one former owner had even fitted a mask to square it
up for his replica case. But constructional features in the movement
suggest it was made circa 1685-1690, when the French had already broken
with formal rules and had introduced circular dial plates in
spring-clocks and long-cases. (see Tardy,
"La Pendule Francaise", 1949,
Vol.1, Louis XIV, p.97, 'Tete
de Poupee' by Pierre Du Chesne, also p.107, 'Regulateur de
Parquet)]. On his return from Paris, Huygens too designed several circular
dials].
Van Ceulen also introduced
Joseph Knibb’s silent pull-quarter repeat into Hague clocks, with his
Marot console clock (above). Quarter strike is rarely seen, but one
unsigned early Hague clock proves that third trains were also made,
(DNFA, 09/09/09, Lot.87). Van Ceulen's
workshop also made repeating movements for other makers, domestic and
foreign; "Jacques Benoit a Cleve",
apparently signed by the workshop's engraver.
His large month spring-clock
(below) originally showed Second's having a seconds' pendulum extending
through the base plate. For a Hague clock it has the rare feature of a
split-back plate; also rare twin fusees like his
Kassel
astronomical clock; and remarkably it is housed in a superb French case
of ebony with unusual and excellent ormolu mounts; the rear is door
inlaid with an ivory
Coronet and Star
badge;
circa 1690. It has an ornate silver-mounted folding-key for both doors,
(Plomp's characteristic P6).
These Paris made cases, typically, house movements
by Thuret, Martinot, Gaudron, or Gribelin. This is yet another of
Johannes van Ceulen's Franco-Dutch collaborations, at the highest level.
Probably it stood on a pedestal, as a ‘Regulateur
de Parquet' for a noble
French family. At that time Seconds' were
de rigueur, also in
England
too, the Fromanteel brothers had just opened shop in Amsterdam; the longcase had arrived in Holland.
fig.
37
Joh. van Ceulen.
[Now altered to short pendulum; both the dial-regulation and seconds’
ring have been removed; and the bells relocated to the interior, (see
Christie’s London,
22-3-1989, Lot.
21)].
The back plates of the three
Van Ceulen clocks shown are all signed
'Hagae Hollandiae', thought to
signify 'made for export'.
Not until 1700 do we see
Pierre (Pieter) van Stryp (Strijp) in
Rome, making a spring clock utilising Treffler's
fusee, having a half-second pendulum on a 'tic-tac' escapement, to
indicate Seconds' on the integral Chapter ring.
This imposing Seconds'
indicating spring-clock also has quarter strike and alarum, in an
English inspired case and dial having day-date. (Sotheby's London,
Clocks, lot.38, 28th January 1977).
STRIJP (Stryp) was then a small village now absorbed by Eindhoven. The family names of Pieter in Rome also Bernard in Antwerp probably derive
from there. For this information and original image I thank
Mr.P.Th.R.Mestrom Ph.D, author "Uurwerken
en uurwerkmakers in Limburg 1367-1850".
Of course, even before Johannes
Van Ceulen (1675), English clocks were in the ascendant and surpassed
all Europe; by 1680 English makers had even relocated to Holland,
(Joseph Norris, Fromanteel brothers, Steven Tracy), or had set up supply
chains or trading links. (John Drury with Fromanteel, Clarke & Dunster
as Hans Kreft showed in "Rediscovering
the Fromanteel Story", Horological Foundation, 2005).
Oosterwijck’s Options.
Returning
to the subject Royal spring-clock, it now appears that Oosterwijck, all
along, had had the means to describe ‘Seconds’;
and yet, and like all of Coster’s many acolytes, he chose not to put
seconds into a spring wall-clock having a short-pendulum. Evidently,
that had other implications.
From 1661, Bruce, then
Huygens, had gimbals or suspended short-pendulum sea-clocks showing the
Seconds’, because that application probably required it. (Robertson D.,
Op.Cit. Chap.IX, Figs.23-24, pp.143-174; also Leopold, J.H, "The
Longitude Timekeepers of Christiaan Huygens", as edited by William
Andrews, "In Quest of Longitude", pp.102-114, Harvard 1998). Anthony
Weston describes the surviving wedge-shaped movement, signed Severijn
Oosterwijck, probably made in 1662, copying Bruce's original 1660-1661
London
model. The wedge movement incorporates a fusee, and an engraved
back plate dial, revolving once in 4-minutes*.
(Weston, A., "A Reassessment of the Clocks of John Hilderson", Antiquarian
Horology, Vol.25, No.4, pp.431-432).
*Four minutes represents one
degree of longitude in solar transits; 24hrs/360 deg = 4 minutes. But
its four-minute dial has perplexed every authority.
I determined to resolve it and involved a colleague from my first
squadron noted for his didactic mind, world pilot and solo-mariner Brian
Walton. He put his mind to my interrogations. He pointed out that the
Babylonians divided their 24 unequal hours by
360 to arrive at the "Ush" (4
minutes) as a unit to calculate eclipses. He also points out that four
minutes has a special significance in sidereal time, for star transits;
4-minutes sidereal is the difference between the sidereal day and mean
day; whereas 3min.59secs. is the difference measured in mean time,
requiring conversions from periodic solar observations. Brian suggests,
therefore, the longitude clock might be rated to sidereal time, using
star sighting, so eliminating the need for solar equation tables. The
clock would be rated on land, determine longitudes to chart landfalls,
and be used at sea as a Longitude clock without need for periodic solar
equation tables. Oosterwijck's four-minute dial is resolved, it is
typically simple, and it is very ingenious.
[Note. Assuming that that was the case, one wonders why Huygens
persisted with equation tables, unless solely for rating terrestrial
regulators. He went on, ultimately, to invent an automatic equation
kidney cam in 1694/5, as notified to Tompion and Quare via his brother
the King's secretary in London in 1695, who, upon Huygens' untimely
death that same year, each incorporated his kidney cam in very different
ways to claim "inventions" in their own names. In this I follow Alan H
Lloyd, and I remarked to organizers of "Huygens' Legacy" on the absence
in the catalogue, for the
Quare/Williamson equation clock (exhibit 90), of any recognition of
Huygens' part for the equation kidney-cam. Strangely, they would credit
England].
Further, its origins are in London! Might Robert Hook
or Christopher Wren have been involved with whom ever had made Bruce's
original Longitude clock? And had Huygens anything to say, about
sidereal rating of his own Longitude clocks? If he did, I do not recall
it.
John Hilderson is said to
have copied one of the damaged Oosterwijck sea clocks. Was Bruce's
original Longitude clock made by Fromanteel, who wisely retained the
fusee for such an exacting purpose and its unstable environment - as
Hooke then realised? If not, then
by whom? Not Davis Mell, whose earlier pivoted-pendulum clock, made to
the highest standards of the time, I now attribute to Ahasuerus
Fromanteel himself.
The origin and maker of
Bruce's first Longitude clock is of much greater import than has
previously been realised. Bruce may have been inspired by the new
pendulums when he visited the Hague in 1660 to
escort Charles II to London.
But he was in England
from June 1660 to March 1662, so who there made his crutch and pendulum?
William Dereham (1696) has all the pendulums made in England before the Royal Society's
clock (1662) as being Dutch or made here to Huygens' design. Evidently,
again, he was mistaken.
I suggest that Bruce's
original clock is yet another pointer to Fromanteel's earlier
involvement in pendulum manufacture, although, admittedly, Bruce's "F" crutch relies on Huygens' Patents. Nevertheless, why should Bruce
go to an independent English clockmaker who had never made pendulum
clocks, unless he already had made the pivoted pendulum variety?
Furthermore, that unnamed English maker also saw a definite advantage in
fitting a fusee -rather than a going-barrel, or, especially, the weight
drive Huygens was to apply. We know this from Oosterwijck's copy, (Appendix
Three, 'open research').
Today no complete early
longitude-clock is know, (see Appendix Three, Hollar's engraving dated
1667). That suggests, even on land, Huygens' weight remontoire
sea-clocks were at best unreliable, so did the Dutch public infer that
all Seconds’ clocks were just too troublesome for domestic use?
One wonders, too, why Huygens
committed to paper his impractical flawed designs for weight sea clocks
having weight remontoirs, unless, once again, it was to mislead
competitors, like his 'OP'
pendulum he published in
Horologium. Robert Hooke's opinions on Huygens' Patents of
June 16th, 1657, and
March 3rd, 1665, were most forthright, also perceptive, much
like Simon Douw's in 1658, (see British Museum MSS -Sloane 1039, folio
129).
By an extraordinary
omission, this obvious hiatus of seconds' in Hague clocks has never
been the subject of research or comment. But it is so absolute an
hiatus, I surmise the Dutch makers of spring-clocks, (English and French
too), agreed not to offer Seconds’ to the public, but reserved that
application for scientific purposes. But why would a future King not pay
the extra, had he, too, no need for Seconds?
7.
●
Claims to priority.
Oosterwijck’s
Royal Hague clock, with hour striking, in Kingwood and Ebony box case,
may justifiably claim to be, or reasonably be considered as;
1 |
|
only known ‘Royal’ Hague clock of the first period,
(Van Ceulen's was c.1690); |
2 |
|
only Hague clock with known and unbroken provenance; |
3 |
|
only known with a
Kingwood carcass; |
4 |
|
only known with a pendulum holdfast; |
5 |
|
earliest to mark the Quarters; |
6 |
|
earliest to have a strike train; |
7 |
|
earliest 'split-going-barrel'; |
8 |
|
unique concealed Stopwork; |
9 |
|
probably an unique 'up-down' (Wind-Me) device; |
10 |
|
made with Huygens' also Coster’s fiat, (possibly even
in Coster’s workshop); |
11 |
|
the original model for Coster’s
known strikers; |
12 |
|
adopting English, Fromanteel, practices and
innovations, learned from John in 1657 or unrecorded earlier
connection to the London workshop; |
13 |
|
made for or soon after the Mayday 1658 disclosure, when
the secret was shared; |
14 |
|
probably incorporates, now reveals, the 1657 Contract's
“secreet”
construction. |
Although the
‘seconds-option’ is not fitted, this is some “Mantel Clock”.
|
|
Copyright:
R.K.Piggott,
February 20, 2009. |
|
|